Today, outside Italy, the Mafia Masonic
lodge P2, once headed by the Honourable Master
Licio Gelli, is well known. P2 was the successor to the Turin lodge "Propaganda Massonica". P2 was sometimes referred to as a "
state within a state" or a "
shadow government", now
its ties to the CIA have become widely known, and a
feature film based on the lodge scandal was even made in the Soviet Union. But today there is still little known outside Italy about the activities of its "successor", the P3, a Mafia secret organisation involved in, among other things, renewable energy.
P3 was a judicial investigation conducted by the Rome Public Prosecutor's Office into an alleged secret association, so called by the press, in reference to Licio Gelli's P2 lodge.
According to the public prosecutor's office, the alleged association was aimed at piloting tenders, sentences and dossier-keeping. The register of suspects drawn up by the public prosecutor's office includes former PdL (Berlusconi's the People of Freedom party) coordinator Denis Verdini, Senator Marcello Dell'Utri, Undersecretary for Justice Giacomo Caliendo, President of the Region of Sardinia Ugo Cappellacci, PdL coordinator in Campania Nicola Cosentino, the businessman Flavio Carboni, the entrepreneur Arcangelo Martino, and the tax lawyer Pasquale Lombardi. The latter three, arrested on 8 July 2010, are considered to be the leaders of the organisation.
Flavio Carboni rose to prominence in the financial and real estate world in the 1970s. He has had dealings with controversial figures such as secret agent Francesco Pazienza, the head of the P2 Masonic lodge Licio Gelli, Cosa Nostra boss Pippo Calò, the former grand master of the Grand Orient of Italy, Armando Corona, as well as the then businessman Silvio Berlusconi, whose business partner he was for the 'Costa Turchese' project, also known as 'Olbia 2'.
According to court collaborator Francesco Marino Mannoia, Flavio Carboni and Licio Gelli had dealt with numerous dirty money investments on behalf of Pippo Calò, who looked after the financial interests of the Corleonesi clan. Antonio Mancini, an exponent of the Banda della Magliana who had become a collaborator of justice, declared that Carboni was "a link between the Banda della Magliana, Pippo Calò's mafia and the exponents of Licio Gelli's P2 lodge". According to the other turncoat Maurizio Abbatino: "the Testaccini Danilo Abbruciati and Enrico De Pedis, had started to invest in the 1970s-1980s, with Flavio Carboni, in Sardinia"; Abbruciati therefore invested the proceeds of drug dealing in real estate operations.
In May 2010, the Sardinian businessman Flavio Carboni, already a defendant in the Calvi trial, was investigated for conspiracy to corrupt, as part of an enquiry into tenders for wind energy in Sardinia, together with some prominent local and national politicians. According to investigators, Carboni allegedly influenced decisions concerning the renewable energy sector, going so far as to indicate the appointment of the president of the Regional Agency for Environmental Protection, Ignazio Farris, who is also under investigation. From the investigation emerged several meetings between the suspects, some of which, according to Carboni himself, in the presence of Senator Marcello Dell'Utri. Further developments later led the investigating magistrates to hypothesise the crimes of money laundering and criminal conspiracy, in relation to the discovery of substantial funds (approximately five million euros) from companies linked to organised crime.
Flavio Carboni during the bankruptcy hearing of Banco Ambrosiano, whose main shareholder was the Institute for the Works of Religion (Vatican Bank)Flavio Carboni and the Rome Public Prosecutor's investigation into wind power in Sardinia: 'It's difficult to have to defend oneself from nothing,' Carboni told 'La Stampa', 'I know from this investigation that I am accused of being involved in wind power. I confirm it, I would still be involved if only it could be done in Sardinia. The truth is that with the centre-left junta of Renato Soru there were margins - Article 18 if I remember correctly - to be able to enter into an entrepreneurial initiative on alternative energy. With the Cappellacci junta, this possibility was precluded'. Carboni confirms that he met the president of the Sardinian region, Ugo Cappellacci, at Denis Verdini's house in Rome: 'It's true, I pleaded the cause of wind energy, but without receiving any concessions in return. On the contrary. Let me say that the way I see it, this investigation by the Rome Public Prosecutor's Office is completely devoid of substance: the matter in dispute is missing'.
On 8 July 2010, Carboni, Martino and Lombardi were arrested. The judge for preliminary investigations (GIP) justified the order by stating that Carboni's sphere of influence did not only act with initiatives aimed at building wind power plants in Sardinia, but also by obtaining the appointment of people he liked and in contact with Cappellacci and Verdini. According to the GIP, in fact, Carboni would have repeatedly, assisted by Arcangelo Martino and the former member of tax commissions Pasquale Lombardi, tried to enter into the activities of institutions, also with regard to judicial decisions. In September 2009, Carboni allegedly put pressure on the judges of the Constitutional Court in order to be aware in advance of the outcome of the ruling on Lodo Alfano, a law that provided for the suspension of criminal proceedings against high state officials, including Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi. To this end, Carboni is alleged to have held private meetings in March 2010 with Verdini, Dell'Utri, the undersecretary for Justice, Giacomo Caliendo, and the magistrates Antonio Martone and Arcibaldo Miller. Carboni is alleged to have acted to support the readmission of the PDL list of the centre-right candidate for the 2010 regional elections and president of the Lombardy region, Roberto Formigoni, to the Regional Administrative Tribunal and, again with regard to the 2010 Italian regional elections, attempting to support Nicola Cosentino as candidate for president of Campania, at the same time discrediting the other possible candidate, who later became president of the region, Stefano Caldoro, through the production of dossiers on alleged frequentations of transsexuals by the president of the region himself. The defendants are also suspected of having favoured the promotion of prosecutor Alfonso Marra to president of the Milan Court of Appeal.
In August 2011 (in the final months of Berlusconi's reign), the Rome Public Prosecutor's Office announced that it had closed the investigation. In addition to Flavio Carboni, Arcangelo Martino and Pasquale Lombardi, Denis Verdini, Marcello Dell'Utri, Ugo Cappellacci, Giacomo Caliendo and Nicola Cosentino were also under investigation.
On 16 March 2018, the first instance sentences arrived: 6 years and 6 months for Carboni, 10 months for defamation and private violence against Caldoro for former undersecretary Cosentino and former regional councillor Sica, 2 years for abuse of office to former Cassation President Carbone, 1 year and 10 months for corruption for former Arpa Sardegna president Farris and for Tea Cossu, president of the consortium, acquittals for Verdini (sentenced only for illicit financing), Massimo Parisi and for the Unicredit director of Iglesias Porcu, prescription for Cappellacci while the former tax judge Lombardi died the week before (the Prosecutor had asked for 8 years) and for Dell'Utri the proceedings were dropped.
Bartolomeu Constantin Savoiu, the current head of the P3 lodgeShortly after these events, the P3 Masonic Lodge was officially established in Italy.
On 15 December 2019, in Arezzo, the "New Masonic Propaganda Lodge 3" was formally reconstituted, chaired by Romanian army general Bartolomeu Constantin Savoiu, former member of the Romanian National Grand Lodge and initiated to the highest degree of the rite.
The name, the seat of the deed of incorporation and the spiritual direction of the Masonic heir-designated by Gelli in 2015 openly recall a historical and operational continuity with the P2 lodge and the previous Propaganda, which the piduists ("Propaganda 2" sounds like "pidue" in Italian, hence the nickname "piduist") like the Aretine accountant himself claimed to be inspired by.
For the first time in post-war Italian history, a general of a foreign regular army, a top member of a foreign regular masonic lodge, is the successor at the top of the heir to one of the most influential secret societies subversive of the constitutional order since the 1970s-80s.
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